Grace Period, 1: Before the Missionaries
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Lake Pend Oreille, Bonner County, Idaho |
The word “Qlispe” is a Nselxcin Salish word; the Salish
language group is large, comprising 22 Coast Salish languages and seven
Interior Salish languages. Of the seven Interior languages, three are from the
northern part of the Interior Northwest, and four are from the southern part;
Nselxcin is a southern Interior Salish language. The word “Salish” is the
English translation of “selis,” which is what the Bitterroot Salish people of
Montana call themselves. “Wonderful” is how Father Lawrence Palladino describes
the Salish language in Indian and White in the Northwest, his 1894 history
of the evangelization of the Native peoples of western Montana by Catholic
missionaries. (Salish School of Spokane; Palladino, 145)
The sources of the English names for the Qlispe – Kalispel and Pend d’Oreille – are uncertain. The source of the term, “Pend d’Oreille,” is generally identified as coming from the French-Canadian voyageurs, or canoemen, who entered the Pacific Northwest in the early part of the 18th century as employees of the fur trade. According to the Salish-Pend d’Oreille Culture Committee and the Elders Cultural Advisory Council, “Pend d’Oreille is a French term referring to something hanging from the ear, in reference to the shell earrings the people traditionally wear.” The term “Kalispel,” writes John Fahey in his book, The Kalispel Indians, derives from a Salish place name, Kalispelm, which some say means camas.” (Salish-Pend Oreille Culture Committee; Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 27)
In his history of the Kalispels, Fahey also explains how the use of non-Native names for Inland Northwest Indian communities started and was perpetuated. In writing of their experiences, fur traders used anglicized names, and as the accounts circulated, so did the names. Later, when the U.S. government began to seize control of Native homelands, it “largely took the fur traders’ tribal names for Indians,” writes Fahey, adding that the federal government also adopted “the practice of picking one Indian as head chief for convenience in dealing with a tribe.” (Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 43)
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Fahey also explains that, while the fur traders generally recognized Native communities as “distinct peoples occupying specific territories,” some of the first non-Natives to arrive in the Inland Northwest had trouble keeping the various groups of Qlispe straight, one time calling them “Kalispel” and other times, “Pend d’Oreille.” However, by the middle of the 19th century, non-Natives had worked out a convention for distinguishing between Qlispe clans based on their location on the Pend Oreille River, while still using the terms “Kalispel” and “Pend d’Oreille” interchangeably. Qlispe who lived in what is now northern Idaho, near where the Pend Oreille River begins in Lake Pend Oreille, and eastward into present western Montana were called “Upper Kalispels” or “Upper Pend d’Oreilles.” Qlispe who lived in what is now northeastern Washington, close to where the Pend Oreille River ends in the Columbia River in southern British Columbia, were called “Lower Kalispels” or “Lower Pend d’Oreilles.” Eventually, the Upper and Lower designations were dropped, and the people who lived closer to the mouth of the Pend Oreille were called Pend d’Oreilles, and those who lived closer to the river’s end in British Columbia, Canada, became known as Kalispels. (Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 43) Today, the Kalispel and the Pend
d’Oreilles are two separate groups. After the Hellgate Treaty of 1855,
the Pend d’Oreilles moved to the eastern part of their aboriginal territory
in western Montana and joined the Salish (Flathead, in English) Indians on
their reservation and became part of the Confederated Salish and Kootenai
Tribes. The Kalispels refused to participate in the Hellgate treaty process
and moved to the western part of their territory in northeastern Washington.
In March 1914, the U.S. government granted the Kalispels tribal status and
recognized their reservation on the western shores of the Pend Oreille River
near Usk, Washington. |
In the spring, writes Fahey in his history of the tribe, that the Kalispels decided where they would set up summer camps and began the cycle of harvesting bulbs and berries. Yellow glacier lilies, their bulbs high in carbohydrates, bloomed first, and then by the end of May and the first of June, women began harvesting camas. According to Fahey, “Camas grew in meadows beside the Pend Oreille River from modern Newport [Washington] north (downriver) to Jared [Pend Oreille County].” Local historian Nancy Renk adds that camas also grew along the Pend Oreille River near present Laclede in Bonner County. (Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 30; Renk, Driving Past, 188)
After the camas harvest, the summer berry harvest began. Women and children roamed the mountain sides, “eating the juicy ones on the spot, and collecting the rest in bark baskets soft enough to avoid crushing,” according to Fahey. From canoes, men fished for chub and trout, but “for large quantities of fish, the Kalispels relied mainly on weirs woven of flat balsam anchored to poles in shallow water to steer the fish into underwater baskets of woven willow bark.” Kalispel men also fished for salmon on the Salmo River, a tributary of the Columbia River in British Columbia. (Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 30)
In late summer and early autumn, the Qlispe hunted and fished to prepare for winter. “By mid-October,” Fahey notes, “most Kalispels collected in winter camp; they would continue to hunt on snowshoes near the camp, to fish through the ice, and to set snares and traps for small game.” Men and boys in their teens also would hunt for large game, primarily deer but also caribou, which “once abounded north of the Pend Oreille River.” One of the largest Kalispel winter camps was on the Pend Oreille River “opposite the present town of Locke” [Pend Oreille County, Washington]. Other camps were located near “the outlet of Calispell Lake, Indian Creek about nine miles north of Newport;” on the Pend Oreille River near present Albeni Falls Dam; and on the “Thompson River in Montana above its mouth on the Clark Fork.” (Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 32, 33)
The bounty of the land not only fed the Qlispe but also supplied them with goods to trade with other Native peoples. “Trade was an important part of the Native economy of the Pacific Northwest prior to white settlement,” writes Cain Allen in the Oregon History Project article, “The Columbia River Trade Network.” He explains that a “network of trade routes—sometimes referred to as the Columbia River trade network—connected major trading and resource procurement sites throughout the region.”
Historian Laura Peers writing in Trade and Change on the Columbia Plateau, 1750-1840 adds that there were two “major trade centers on the [Columbia] Plateau, at The Dalles, on the middle Columbia River, and at Kettle Falls, several hundred miles away on the upper Columbia. Members of tribes from across the Plateau and from the West Coast to the Missouri River converged on these sites every year,” where they exchanged a large quantity of goods. Among the perennially-popular commodities were dried fish from the Columbia; baskets, woven bags and wild hemp for fishnets from the Plateau region; shells, whale and seal oil and bone from the West Coast; pipestone, bison robes and feather headdresses from the Plains; and nuts and roots from as far away as California.”
Trade was facilitated by a network of trails throughout the
Columbia Plateau. “In theory,” writes Fahey in The Kalispel Indians,
“one could travel by canoe up the Columbia from the Pacific Ocean to the Pend
Oreille, thence to Pend Oreille Lake, across it, and up the Clark Fork and the
Blackfoot [River] nearly to Missoula [Montana]. In reality, turbulent waters in
canyons, shoals, and rapids required portages. The Kalispels used much of this
water route between their villages on the Pend Oreille and northwestern
Montana, but they shunned the lower Pend Oreille’s frothing, narrow canyons and traveled
by foot, instead, over well-worn mountain trails westward to Kettle Falls in
Colville country, or south through the Purcell trench into Spokane
territory.” (Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 28)
Fahey adds that the Kalispels followed another trail, which he called the “Kalispel (or Pend Oreille) trail.” This trail “wound east and west along the general courses of the Pend Oreille and Clark Fork rivers, and lesser paths fanned from rivers into hunting and trading grounds or like those north of Lake Pend Oreille, into berrying heights.” Alvin Josephy, in his book, The Nez Perce Indians and the Opening of the Northwest, also identifies a trail that followed the Pend Oreille and Clark Fork rivers. “By traveling to Lake Pend Oreille in the north,” he writes, “the Nez Perces could move eastward through the mountains along the banks of the Clark Fork River, emerging in the Flatheads’ country near present-day Missoula, Montana, just north of the Bitterroot Valley. This route was one of the busiest Indian trade highways in the Northwest and took the Nez Perces through country frequented by Coeur d’Alenes, Spokans, Kalispels, southern Kutenais, and Flatheads.” (Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 28; Josephy, 30)
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Columbus, of course, did not find India, but he did usher in an age of exploration that had far-reaching consequences for both Indigenous and European cultures. Yet, nearly five centuries would pass before an American historian offered an interpretation of the Columbian legacy as something other than European triumph and Native conquest. In 1972, Alfred W. Crosby published The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 in which he argued that historians had ignored biological and ecological factors when interpreting the histories of Native peoples in the New World. Now a foundational historical concept, the Columbian Exchange refers to the transfer of plants, animals, humans, culture, technology, and disease between the New World and the Old World that took place after Columbus’s voyages in the 1490s.
The biological and cultural consequences of European exploration of the New World reached even the banks of the Columbia River. Interactions between Inland Northwest Natives and Europeans are believed to have begun as early as the late 1600s, and during the late 1700s and early 1800s, they became commonplace. As Larry Cebula notes in his 2000 dissertation, Religious Change and Plateau Indians: 1500 -1850, “one of the really striking things about the “first contacts” made by Lewis and Clark is how the Indians did not seem very surprised to meet them.” Three exchanges during this initial period of interaction had serious consequences for Inland Northwest Natives that irrevocably changed their traditional lifeways. The rise of horse cultures within tribal groups significantly altered long-held customs; the acquisition of firearms re-shaped tribal territories; and at the end of the eighteenth century, infectious disease brought catastrophic illness and death. (Cebula, 66)
According to tribal tradition, the Salish and Pend
d’Oreilles acquired the horse from the Shoshones sometime between 1650 and
1700, and Fahey writes that the Qlispe acquired the horse around 1730 (“by
white man’s reckoning…”). Fahey explains in his history of the Kalipsel Tribe
that the horses came from the Pend d’Oreilles (who are now affiliated with the
Consolidated Salish and Kootenai Tribes) via a Salish trade route that “had
carried a trickle of Spanish trinkets and utensils northward for perhaps a
century before horses appeared on it, handed along (or stolen) from Apaches to
Utes to Comanches to Shoshonis, these last the funnel for horses into the
northwest.” (Fahey,
After horses had been acquired, “Kalispel life speeded up
dramatically,” according to Fahey. “Journeys that once took weeks now took
days; those of days, hours; and burdens too heavy for a woman rode easily on a
horse. Caravans with horses might travel thirty miles in one day; mounted men,
riding hard, almost a hundred.” (Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 37, 38)
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| Paul Kane. Half-Breeds [Métis] Running Buffalo, "prairies of Dakota," June 1846. Kane is the man lying on the ground. |
In addition to accelerating the pace of life, the horse also changed the subsistence economies of Indian life. “By and large,” writes Sven Liljeblad in “Indian Peoples in Idaho,” “subsistence was limited to local resources. With the acquisition of the horse…organization into mobile bands of buffalo hunters and warriors became possible.” Anthropologist John C. Ewers adds in “Gustavus Sohon’s Portraits of Flathead and Pend d’Oreille Indians, 1854” that, in the Inland Northwest, bands of buffalo hunters were composed of men from several tribes, including the Kalispel, Pend d’Oreille, Flathead, Nez Perce, and Cayuse. In his history of the Kalispel Tribe, Fahey writes of Kalispel men who “took their women and children to join the Pend d’Oreilles, Flatheads, and others for buffalo hunts on the prairies of the Judith basin, clashing there with Blackfeet hunters and raiders.” (Liljeblad, 30; Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 38)
Yet, as Fahey adds, the horse “deepened factional discord” among the Kalispels. Some of the men eagerly accepted the horse, while “others held back, slow to change old ways. They drifted into separate camps…Possible conflict over horses was the occasion for one band of Kalispels, under Ambrose, to move permanently to Camas Prairie and Horse Plains in northwest Montana and another, under Michel, to settle at the outlet to Lake Pend Oreille, and be known as Upper Kalispels. Yet each band seems to have included buffalo hunters.” (Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 38)
For nearly a century, Josephy adds, the Blackfoot “roamed almost at will on the northern plains, raiding the herds of any bands in their path” and “kept much of what is now western Montana in a state of constant warfare.” Blackfoot expansionism also changed “intertribal territories” as eastern bands of the Salish and Pend d’Oreille were forced “to move their winter camps west of the continental divide.” Josephy also notes that when well-armed Natives in the East and South began migrating westward after being pushed out of their aboriginal territories, there was an “increasing number of guns” in the Great Plains and the Columbia Plateau. (Josephy, 32; Flathead Reservation Timeline (FRT))
Another source of weapons in the late 18th and early 19th centuries was British and American maritime commerce. “In a striking reversal of the east-to-west movement associated with the traditional American frontier,” writes David S. Silverman in Thundersticks: Firearms and the Violent Transformation of Native America, “shipboard traders sold guns to indigenous people along the Pacific Northwest coast, who then carried these weapons eastward to Natives of the Interior.” (Silverman, 19)
Missionary Asa Smith documented other remembered Native accounts in a letter dated February 6, 1840, from his mission among the Nez Perce in Kamiah, Idaho. Smith wrote about the first-time smallpox “visited” the Nez Perce. The elders, people in their 70s or 80s, by Smith’s reckoning, “relate that when they were children a large number of people both of the Nez Perce and Flatheads [Salish] wintered in the buffalo country. In the spring as usual the people from the region went to buffalo. Instead of finding their people as they expected, they found their lodges standing in order, the people almost to an individual dead. Only here and there one survived the disease.” (Boyd, 10)
In his history of the Kalispels, Fahey writes that in 1853 the tribe escaped another epidemic of smallpox because the “Jesuits [Catholic missionaries] had vaccinated them with pus from the infected.” He adds, “Perhaps earlier Kalispels had not been so fortunate: the Kalispels say that a band near Calispell Lake [northwestern Washington] was wiped out long ago, and at an old winter camp near Indian Creek, they know a place called “many human bones,” where Indians died so fast the living could not bury them all.” Other infectious disease also struck Inland Northwest Native communities in the 19th century. In the period from 1829 through 1832, an “unknown, deadly fever” raged about both Native and non-Native communities, according to Fahey, and Peers writes that in the 1830s and 1840s, influenza and measles also cycled through the region. (Fahey, The Kalispel Indians, 12; Peers)
“Horses, guns and epidemic disease,” writes Peers, were obvious “catalysts for change,” but other agents, such as the accessibility of material objects made in Europe and in North America, as well as encounters with new ideas and information, rocked the foundations of traditional Native ways and beliefs in the 18th century. In the early part of the 19th century, Natives began to regard one of the new ideas – Christianity – as a means of restoring “order and vitality to their world.” (Peers)
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“But,” writes Burns, “the most pervasive, lengthy, and intense influence” on the region’s religious development “was that of the Iroquois Indians.” “Formidably Catholic,” the Iroquois were “active in the Oregon fur trade from its beginnings,” working both for the Hudson’s Bay Company and its rival, the North West Company. The presence of Iroquois fur workers in the Inland Northwest, according to Burns, dates as far back as the 18th century, and in the early part of the 19th century, they worked with North West Company fur trade and pathfinder David Thompson on his explorations of the Columbia Plateau. (Burns, 16)
Around 1816, a group of 24 Iroquois, led by Ignace Partui, migrated from the Jesuit Mission of Caughnawaga near Montreal to the Salish country of present western Montana. According to the Rt. Rev. Cyprian Bradley, writing in his 1953 history of the Diocese of Boise, the Salish received Partui and the others with kindness and hospitality. Eventually, he explains, these “ties of friendship” became bonds of holy matrimony, and the Iroquois became members of the tribe. In fact, Partui assumed a leadership role among the Salish, speaking “incessantly about religion,” as Burns puts it. Bradley adds that Partui always concluded “his addresses with an exhortation as to the advantages and necessity of having some “Black-robes” in their midst to instruct them and show them the way to heaven.” (Burns, 16; Bradley, 53)
The U.S. may have had official authority to pursue its
interests in the region, but during the period of joint occupancy, the Hudson’s
Bay Company reigned supreme, dominating its Columbia District in every way –
economically, politically, and socially. In fact, Burns argues that after 1821,
when the Hudson’s Bay Company and the North West Company merged, the Hudson’s
Bay Company became the “major White presence in the Oregon Country Interior.”
And if any two men can be said to be responsible for the Company’s supremacy in
the region, it would be Sir George Simpson and Dr. John McLoughlin. (Burns, 12)
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| Sir George Simpson |
Simpson, an “indefatigable, ambitious, and revenue-driven” Scotsman, was named governor of the Company’s Northern Department in 1824 – the same year that Quebecois John McLoughlin was named head of the Columbia District. Together, Simpson and McLoughlin implemented a multi-pronged economic plan designed to squeeze every last drop of profit out of the region. In addition to diversifying the extraction of natural resources to include lumber and salmon, the strategy also encouraged “agricultural production near HBC posts” to reduce the amount of food that Company had to import. (Shine, “Hudson’s Bay Company”)
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| Dr. John McLoughlin |
Simpson and McLoughlin also sought to increase the “British presence between the Columbia River and the 49th parallel,” in anticipation of the Columbia becoming the boundary between Canada and the United States. South and east of the river, the two administrators established a “fur desert” policy meant to render the region, particularly the area around Idaho’s Snake River, economically useless to the rapidly-encroaching Americans. The Company also increased the number of posts in the District. These “tiny posts,” writes Burns “were physically an insignificant addition in the vast region, but they were to mark the Indian way of life deeply. Firearms, blankets, fishhooks, tobacco, knives, utensils, cloth, and trade goods of all kinds now became common.” (Shine, “John McLoughlin;" Burns, 12)
As significant as its posts were, the Hudson’s Bay Company made an even greater impact on the lives of Oregon Company Natives when in 1824 it directed its employees to pursue “missionary work” in the region. Governor Simpson, according to his biographer Gregory P. Shine, gave his full support to the directive, wasting no time in meeting with “Native leaders to assess their receptiveness to Christianity.” Simpson also met with the Reverend David T. Jones, headmaster of a Church of England Missionary Society school at Red River, a settlement near present Winnipeg, and the two men agreed that the best way to offer Christian enlightenment was “to procure a few children” for the missionary school. In the spring of 1825, Simpson put his plan in action. (Josephy, 82, 83)
On April 12, Simpson “accepted charge of” (and baptized) two teen-aged boys whom he would later deliver to Jones’s school. One boy was a Spokane named Slough-Keetcha, the son of tribal leader, Illim-Spokanee and an unknown woman. The other boy was a Kootenai whose Native name is not known. At the school, the boys’ names were changed to those of Hudson’s Bay Company officials, J.H. Pelly and Nicholas Garry. The Kootenai boy became “Kootenai Pelly,” and Slough-Keetcha, “Spokane Garry.” At the school, according to Josephy, “the boys were taught, writing, history, and geography,” not to mention, French and English. (Shine, “George Simpson;" Josephy, 85)
Four years later, Garry and Pelly went home on summer vacation. All that is known about Pelly’s vacation is that he sustained serious injuries after falling from a horse. How Garry spent his summer, on the other hand, is well-known; he took a road trip! According to non-Native Spokane historians Robert H. Ruby and John A. Brown, Garry toured Inland Northwest Native communities, preaching “about the white men’s God and Jesus, his Heaven and Hell, the Ten Commandments, and the need to observe Sundays and to say prayers in the morning and before meals.” (Ruby and Brown, 59)
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